Michael Nazir-Ali, capofila della corrente anglocattolica nella chiesa d’Inghilterra, spiega perchè è giusta la guerra in Afghanistan e perchè ritirare ora le truppe sarebbe un errore imperdonabile.
"Non dobbiamo abandon Afghanistan again "
from the Foglio.it
After the decline of Marxism, the world had not found any more in front of a political ideology, social and economic crisis given to conquer, if necessary by force, hegemony over large parts of the world. I am referring, of course, the rise of radical Islam, in its various manifestations, and its claim of being the only true interpretation of religion. I know that many Muslims reject this interpretation of their faith and that there are indeed secular forces within the Muslim world ready to oppose this programmatic extremism. But we must not underestimate the ability of devastation and destruction of Islam and its desire to remake the world in its image . Faced with such an ideology, the international community should not be intimidated . Any hint of withdrawal from a political, military and even intellectual will be considered by the Islamic world as a capitulation. Rather than lead to a containment will only serve to encourage even greater efforts to expand the power and influence of the movements associated with this ideology.
Everything ha già causato e continuerà a causare immense sofferenze a coloro che non rientrano in una visione islamica del mondo, comprese le minoranze di vario genere, le donne emancipate e i musulmani le cui opinioni divergono da quelle degli estremisti. L’indipendenza delle nazioni, l’autonomia delle comunità, le pratiche devozionali tradizionali (per esempio quelle associate al sufismo) e le “deviazioni” dall’ortodossia prescritta saranno tutte minacciate, con il rischio di mettere addirittura a repentaglio la loro stessa esistenza. E’ pur vero che questa ideologia, alla stregua dei movimenti a essa associati, si nutre delle rivendicazioni, talvolta autentiche, avanzate dai musulmani, come nel caso di Israele/Palestina, del Kashmir, della Cecenia o dei Balcani. Sia chiaro, tuttavia, che l’ideologia non fonda la propria esistenza su tali rivendicazioni, ma su particolari interpretazioni dell’islam e di quanto ne consegue. E’ presente un desiderio di purificare il Dar al-islam (la “Casa dell’islam”) da qualsiasi influenza e corruzione degli infedeli. Questo significa che il ruolo delle donne deve essere ampiamente limitato, che i non musulmani devono accettare lo status inferiore di dhimmi (anziché considerarsi cittadini alla pari), quando addirittura non viene messa in discussione la loro stessa sopravvivenza, e che anche i musulmani di sesso maschile devono comportarsi secondo i dettami dei custodi di tale ideologia . The non-Muslim world (Dar al-harb, the "House of War") must be conducted within the sphere of influence of the ideologues, whether through persuasion, adaptation, by a third party, the extremists' program or the fear of an armed conflict.
For these ideologies, jihad can not have the sense of self-defense, as claimed by many moderates. It must not only pursue the reappropriation of "Muslim lands" of Palestine, India, the Iberian Peninsula, parts of the Far East and Central Asia, and, no doubt, many areas of sub-Saharan Africa, but go beyond that, attraverso la Dawa (l’invito ad accettare questa versione dell’islam) o strumenti politici e militari, una parte sempre maggiore del Dar al-harb diventi Dar al-islam. Il fatto che numerosi musulmani non condividano queste aspirazioni, e arrivino addirittura a respingerle, non deve impedirci di vedere la realtà, ovvero che i fautori di queste ideologie islamiste coltivino tali ambizioni e sulla base di esse siano pronti a passare all’azione .
For these ideologies, jihad can not have the sense of self-defense, as claimed by many moderates. It must not only pursue the reappropriation of "Muslim lands" of Palestine, India, the Iberian Peninsula, parts of the Far East and Central Asia, and, no doubt, many areas of sub-Saharan Africa, but go beyond that, attraverso la Dawa (l’invito ad accettare questa versione dell’islam) o strumenti politici e militari, una parte sempre maggiore del Dar al-harb diventi Dar al-islam. Il fatto che numerosi musulmani non condividano queste aspirazioni, e arrivino addirittura a respingerle, non deve impedirci di vedere la realtà, ovvero che i fautori di queste ideologie islamiste coltivino tali ambizioni e sulla base di esse siano pronti a passare all’azione .
Il coinvolgimento del mondo occidentale (in particolare del Regno Unito e degli Stati Uniti) in Afghanistan (e in certa misura anche in Iraq) va visto alla luce di quanto sopra. Non bisogna lasciarsi indurre a un facile ottimismo ritenendo that al Qaida has been rendered harmless and is no longer a credible threat to the West or other countries. E 'perfectly possible, under the right conditions, that al Qaida will again become a strong force. At this stage, any action to abandon Afghanistan will create precisely the kind of chaos in which these movements thrive . Make room for the occurrence of the conditions for which the Taliban and their allies will not only make worse the country slip back again into the darkness deeper, but also discouraging Pakistan to fight their extremist groups, at least in the border areas. Al Qaeda and its affiliates regain their protected area, where they can regroup and plan for all the atrocities they have in mind. In other parts of Pakistan, extremist groups born by members of the Pakistani intelligence to infiltrate Indian Kashmir perceive this as an opportunity to settle down and engage in activities directed not only against India, but with a wider range and certainly against the democratic government of Pakistan is still fragile.
not only al-Qaida will try to hit targets in the West and elsewhere, but this new framework will also provide oxygen to the groups responsible for the training of future terrorists in Afghanistan and Pakistan. And 'know that their training and their activities are not confined to South Asia and Central Europe, because this movement is very well versed in exporting extremism and terrorism, radicalizing young Muslims vulnerable western and using them in their own countries. It has been proven beyond a shadow of doubt that the UK is particularly vulnerable in this regard. E 'of vital importance that people in the West begin to understand that in a globalized world characterized by great mobility, his interests are not enclosed within the territorial boundaries and "take care of your backyard is no longer sufficient . Western interests must be protected globally. Usually this happens per vie diplomatiche e attraverso la negoziazione, di natura politica oppure commerciale. Di quando in quando, tuttavia, la tutela degli interessi occidentali acquista una dimensione “di difesa” o “militare”. E’ vero che alleanze, accordi e trattati rendono talvolta possibile neutralizzare i nemici e proteggere gli interessi, e solo occasionalmente la difesa di tali interessi richiede un intervento armato. Quando questo accade, tuttavia, non dovrebbero esserci cedimenti nel sostenere lo sforzo mirato e nell’affrontare i costi e addirittura il sacrificio eventualmente necessario.
not only al-Qaida will try to hit targets in the West and elsewhere, but this new framework will also provide oxygen to the groups responsible for the training of future terrorists in Afghanistan and Pakistan. And 'know that their training and their activities are not confined to South Asia and Central Europe, because this movement is very well versed in exporting extremism and terrorism, radicalizing young Muslims vulnerable western and using them in their own countries. It has been proven beyond a shadow of doubt that the UK is particularly vulnerable in this regard. E 'of vital importance that people in the West begin to understand that in a globalized world characterized by great mobility, his interests are not enclosed within the territorial boundaries and "take care of your backyard is no longer sufficient . Western interests must be protected globally. Usually this happens per vie diplomatiche e attraverso la negoziazione, di natura politica oppure commerciale. Di quando in quando, tuttavia, la tutela degli interessi occidentali acquista una dimensione “di difesa” o “militare”. E’ vero che alleanze, accordi e trattati rendono talvolta possibile neutralizzare i nemici e proteggere gli interessi, e solo occasionalmente la difesa di tali interessi richiede un intervento armato. Quando questo accade, tuttavia, non dovrebbero esserci cedimenti nel sostenere lo sforzo mirato e nell’affrontare i costi e addirittura il sacrificio eventualmente necessario.
Nelle epoche passate, la tradizione cristiana della guerra giusta forniva i criteri morali per stabilire se a conventional conflict between states was justified or not. Nowadays, when most likely conflicts will be largely non-conventional and will be engaged to prevent genocide, to block attempts to perpetrate terrorist atrocities or to ensure security in the region, this tradition is still able to provide the necessary criteria? I think so. It can certainly ask the question of whether the intention is correct and if the armed action to be taken into account as a last resort. For example, the intention is to eliminate evil, or just promote the tangible benefit of an extension of the other? Adequate authority exists? This ruolo potrebbe essere ricoperto da un’autorità internazionale, come quella delle Nazioni Unite, o da un’alleanza regionale dotata di una base ampia, oppure potrebbe anche essere l’autorità di uno stato nazionale che agisce a propria difesa allo scopo di respingere o prevenire un attacco diretto contro di sé. E cosa dire riguardo a una corretta proporzionalità? Questo è un aspetto molto più difficile da giudicare: il male causato dall’intervento sarà superiore al male che si intende eliminare? Le valutazioni da farsi devono considerare non solo il male che viene causato nell’immediato, ma anche la misura dell’eventuale danno che potrà generarsi se non verrà posto un freno al male same.
Similarly, in the conduct of hostilities we must question the protection of non-combatants, proportionality and the treatment of prisoners, although it is sometimes found that the terrorists deliberately use civilians as shields for their atrocities and do not recognize the reciprocity of obligations. "Winning the Peace" is now commonly considered a necessary complement to a conflict that can be justified. The reconstruction of one country, restoring electricity and water supplies, the maintenance of law and order are all predictable liability in the event of success in these types of conflicts non convenzionali, così come accadeva in passato nei periodi successivi a guerre più convenzionali. La mancata assunzione di tali responsabilità sicuramente porterebbe a mettere in ombra la necessità morale dell’azione e inoltre rischierebbe di provocare conseguenze politiche e sociali negative. Sarebbe terribile, per esempio, se l’Afghanistan venisse lasciato nello stato di rovina in cui l’occidente l’ha trovato . Pertanto, gli sforzi per la ricostruzione fisica e sociale, per garantire istruzione, opportunità e occupazione sono fondamentali tanto quanto gli sforzi per assicurare un’effettiva sicurezza. Questi sforzi sono degni di lode se compiuti dalle Forze armate e realizzati su base bilaterale.
You should never allow this to become a basis for planning and execution of terrorist attacks in the West and elsewhere. Should be prevented from so-called madrassa to train young people to make Western terrorist activities against their country and its people. These must be the basic objectives of the engagement. Achieving these goals depends in large measure from a policy action and close coordination between the Pakistani army forces in Afghanistan. should clearly understand that the problems in Afghanistan will not be solved without addressing similar issues across the border. Are felice di vedere che questo sta iniziando ad accadere, ma la strada è ancora lunga. E’ assolutamente ragionevole chiedersi cosa stia facendo il Pakistan, non solo riguardo ai talebani pachistani e ad altri gruppi jihadisti sviluppatisi in seno al paese, ma anche nei confronti di al Qaida stessa.
Un legittimo obiettivo del coinvolgimento deve essere la protezione delle popolazioni dell’Afghanistan e del Pakistan dalla barbarie degli estremisti . Ciò che i talebani hanno fatto in Afghanistan, quando erano al potere, è fin troppo noto e non ha bisogno di essere rammentato. Tuttavia, ricordiamo che durante la loro occupazione transitoria della bellissima valle di Swat, nel nord-ovest del Pakistan, una delle azioni che ha portato la loro “firma” è stata l’esplosione di una scuola per ragazze gestita da suore cristiane in gran parte a beneficio di alunne musulmane e dei loro genitori. Non avrà molto senso parlare di impegno dell’occidente a favore delle libertà fondamentali e dei diritti umani basilari se le donne, le ragazze e i non musulmani saranno consegnati a una prigionia virtuale solo perché gli elettorati occidentali sono percepiti come incapaci di sostenere un conflitto estenuante. Il risultato di questo intervento deve essere l’emancipazione di queste fasce di popolazione, che non possono più essere lasciate alla mercé degli estremisti . Uno dei motivi per cui una larga part of the population is unable to make sense of the victims of the conflict is that there is more of a common narrative in which to place these tragedies, which helps people make sense of loss. A culture of individualism, of fulfillment and personal satisfaction, leaves no room service, selflessness and sacrifice. Although the U.S. are subject to many pressures facing the UK, it is instructive to observe how, in many cases, here the Judeo-Christian tradition still survives, although not intact, and offers a framework within which to develop the loss.
The other reason that is frequently cited to support a withdrawal from the conflict is that you are ignoring the views of Muslims. We have already seen the program on social origins of extremist "demands" of the Muslim world, but feed them . In principle, Muslims have welcomed the military intervention led by United Nations or NATO, as in Bosnia or Kosovo, where such missions were undertaken to protect Muslim communities in danger. However, I can not understand why the same measures are permissible when Muslims are being oppressed, but unacceptable when it may be that the Muslim oppressors (often other Muslims) . Not you can have two weights and two measures, and whether armed intervention is permissible, there must be agreed upon at the criteria, regardless of by whom this intervention can protect against or who may be headed. A theme of interfaith dialogue must now consider how the various religious traditions consider the justification (or lack of justification) of an armed conflict. We have mentioned that the Christian theory of just war has to say about it.
E 'can, for example, remove the concept of jihad extremist rhetoric so that Muslims can use to reach a consensus with Christians and others on conditions under which military intervention may be justified? This agreement, or at least convergence, it would be of great help to the international community when it comes to making tough decisions on particular cases. For this reason we have spoken in support of a global strategy against militancy and peace on both sides of the Durand Line. The involvement of the international community in Afghanistan must lead to a strong civil society and rule of law. Women should be liberated, the girls should have the opportunity to be educated and encouraged to see the freedom of belief and expression. There should be a credible government, both central that in the provinces, which does not tolerate corruption. In particular, it should be implemented in an effective policy against drugs that do not penalize farmers, but to prevent extremists to finance itself through drug trafficking. Barack Obama has finally decided to send more American troops to ensure security in key areas of Afghanistan, including major cities such as Kandahar, attacks against occupation. Even the British forces and other NATO forces will be enhanced. Although belated, this decision is welcome and reassure the many people in Afghanistan and Pakistan who have anxiously awaited.
course Obama is committed action in a careful balancing act: must take into account the one hand vital U.S. interests, both internally and abroad, on the other its lobby influential and noisy anti-war . It seems that the announcement of a strategy to increase output quotas contemporary part of this attempt to please everyone. As has been pointed out, however, it is a very dangerous mindset. Taliban offers to a date when the pressure on them will begin to ease and will therefore be able to plan an increase in activity. In addition to further demoralize the anti-Taliban Afghan groups and even those who have continued in Pakistan to support a policy Anti-Extremism in the country. It will do so more tempting for Pakistan and other regional powers to establish an agreement with the Taliban.
should be clear that any increase in influence and control of the Taliban in both Pakistan and Afghanistan, not only will result in further deterioration of security in the region but will also affect, directly or indirectly, to Western interests. Once again you can offer a refuge to those who plan to terrorize the West and train elements of the Western countries willing to commit to their extremist agenda in the Western world. And, last but not least, this will mean back consistenti segmenti della popolazione che abita la regione in una condizione di prigionia, crudeltà e barbarie.
should be clear that any increase in influence and control of the Taliban in both Pakistan and Afghanistan, not only will result in further deterioration of security in the region but will also affect, directly or indirectly, to Western interests. Once again you can offer a refuge to those who plan to terrorize the West and train elements of the Western countries willing to commit to their extremist agenda in the Western world. And, last but not least, this will mean back consistenti segmenti della popolazione che abita la regione in una condizione di prigionia, crudeltà e barbarie.
di Michael Nazir-Ali
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